By Eggli U.
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SOE was born trespassing on turf already marked out by SIS, the Foreign Office, and the MOI. The reforms of July left the secret service under existing managers while splitting it into two competing parts whose quarrels were probably worse than the record yet reveals. The lost alternative was a single service: no SIS morbidly determined to remain the senior organization, pretending a professionalism unknown to the ‘amateurs’ of SOE; no SOE obliged to sell itself with phrases about subversion; no confusion as to which was the real political service.
The decision was that the Minister of Information should keep all BBC broadcasting but, since the MOI had never really run black propaganda anyway, Dalton was given Woburn and granted the ‘black’ side, to be run by Leeper as Director of Subversive Propaganda. SOE appeared to be complete: SO under Leeper, SO under Nelson (‘CD’). The SOE Charter was then accepted by the Cabinet on July. These divisions did not please the staff. SO did not relinquish their subversive projects and ‘operational propaganda’ assets, outside Britain, to a body of journalists and diplomats in Bedfordshire (SO).
Even in July , the politicians remixing the witch’s brew of petty departments and slender resources were Chamberlain, Hankey, and Halifax—the people who had been in charge for years. Propaganda work, subversive or not, required a single propaganda department with access to its own sort of intelligence—in the same way as the Foreign Office—and access to military planners. Like the secret services, the MOI needed to ensure that its lines did not get crossed. On July, before SOE was off the drawing board, Duff Cooper inspected Woburn Abbey (‘Country House’) and was inclined to order the CH teams back to London to be merged with his foreign publicity departments in Malet Street.