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The dilapidated building conditions of migrant children schools also have been criticized as jeopardizing the safety of the students and have therefore become another reason for the state authority to force schools to close (Si & Yao, 2006). Because of the reported low educational quality and the poor physical conditions, migrant children schools have been referred to by their opponents as “improper schools” (bu zheng gui xue xiao), in contrast to urban public schools that are “proper schools” (zheng gui xue xiao).
The central government then began to strictly limit migration from rural to urban areas. In June 1955 the national household registration system was established, prescribing that only with government testimonials could one go to cities other than his or her permanent residence. Its primary goal was to block rural-to-urban migra- 20 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. M. YU tion to avoid what government officials perceived as a pathological growth of oversized cities and to ensure adequate agricultural production of grain to supply those working in industries.
The various practices of different districts resulted in the continuation and extension of policies aimed at controlling the floating population of migrants. Chapter 7, Mobilization and Action, focuses on how specific migrant children schools’ teachers and parents fought to protect and rebuild their schools and communal life. , the migrant communities in Beijing), where the open, direct street actions by migrants were dangerous, the indirect and everyday forms of resistance played a more vital role than the visible uprisings.