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New Labour policies further eroded the rights of asylum-seekers, considering them to be a threat to the management of migration waves (Flynn 2005); and the new coalition government of Conservatives and Liberal Democrats seems even more determined to reduce immigration, including highly skilled and student entrants from outside the EU. Although fewer migrants entered Britain in the 1990s compared to most other European countries (this changed in 2000s, especially after 2004), the new migrants 20 1 Introduction have been made unwelcome.
40) takes the discussion further, pointing to a conflation of the discourse on Greek national identity with that of race, because of the symbolic references to Greekness as based on ‘blood bonds’. She maintains that the Greek identity is composed of two main discursive layers. First, the ‘civic’ and the ‘ethnic’ are interchangeable in the Greek identity. 45). , in Europe, in the Balkans, in the Mediterranean), which impacts the perception and definition of difference. This has caused the emergence of racism based on both biological and cultural characteristics, which greatly impacts the opportunity structure and positioning of immigrant groups (Lazaridis and Koumandraki 2001).
This was later rephrased by Favell (2000) who cites research showing that race and ethnicity in Britain nowadays bear less importance than class and other social factors in marking minorities’ integration, or rather their lack thereof. Other literature suggesting that race and ethnicity have lost their importance could, however, be rather premature. For instance, Platt (2005) examines the social mobility of the second generation, finding that although education and class of the parents matters, particular ethnicities and religions are also important predictors.