By Aoileann Ni Eigeartaigh and David Getty
It truly is solely applicable that this publication may be produced in Dundalk. situated at the Northern rim of the Irish faded, this city has straddled a border for hundreds of years. during the last thirty years, it has become heavily pointed out with violent Republicanism either by way of the Unionist group in Northern eire and by way of Constitutional Nationalists within the South. opposed to this kind of opposed history teachers connected to the Institute of expertise there have bravely faced and interrogated those strategies that have so blighted the historical past not just of Dundalk yet of areas and areas in the course of the global equally positioned.
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Extra info for Borders and Borderlands in Contemporary Culture
Relative to blacks, the descendants of white Irish immigrants assimilate rapidly and easily into British society. Irish immigration exceeds by far that of any other group from the former Empire and Commonwealth. 4 Citizens of Ireland were exempt from these restrictions. Complementing this, the legislation and policies that began in 1965 with the Race Relations Act also focussed on non-whites. Put simply, the immigration and race relations dynamic that developed from the early 1960s was designed on the one hand to keep non-whites out and on the other to attempt to integrate those already inside.
This point is best illustrated by the words of Inglis who, although clearly speaking about the economic shortcomings of the eastern bloc from a western point of view, noted that: [The Russians] drew the “iron curtain” across the middle of Europe, partly to stop us looking in, partly to stop their own poor wretches looking out enviously at the boundless goods and comforts on our side. 16 Thus, in a continent becoming increasingly aware of its deepening divisions, borders, along with the fences and walls demarcating them, acquired a new significance.
20 Thus, one is left to speculate why the border fence was not dismantled once it had become clear that Tito was to pursue a third way, that of non-alignment. From a practical point of view, it should be stressed that the ItaloYugoslav border had been decided under particular circumstances and had, in most cases, divided the terrain without following any consistent methodology. Geographers such as Klemenþiü and Gosar have pointed out that: The Italo-Slovene border is in its full length (199 km on land, 29 km on sea) a result of the post-WW2 negotiations of the super-powers.